Documents
Kurdistan Regional Government
Aug. 31, 2014
UK SECRET
Kurdistan Regional Government
The Kurds
Those individuals who collectively could he called the Kurdish People
People} are split actoss a series of countties. Ethnic
Kurdhh populations exist in vatying numbers in Turkey, Iran, Iraq {findeLphpEItaq} and Sytia.
The overall size of this group is estimated to number somewhere between 20-25 million. The largest
grouping resides in south-eastem Turkey, where the estimated Kurdhh population is around 15
million. In Iran, there are another four to six million Kurds and, in Itaq, three to four million.
However, it is only in Itaq where the ethnic Kutds curtently have any signi?cant degree of
autonomy The Kur?sh militaty fotces known as peshmetga played a key tole in the ovetthrow of
the former Iraqi govetnmenL
Kutdistan
The cun?ent as well as histotical sttength ofthe nationalist impulse amongst the Kutds, genetaliy,
and those in Iraq specifically, should not he undetestimated. The dteam of a wider Kur?sh nation
has been an aspitation of ethnic Kurds for genetations. A geogtaphical area called Kurdistan was
?rst noted in the 13th Centuty, but the Kutds have never really formed a coherent and unified state,
having lived independently as trihes. Dver their histoty, numerous foreign powets [up to and
including Saddam] have used the Kutds for their own devices. This has led two ideas to become
enu?enched in the Kurdhh - the continual disunity arising from ttihalism and a perception of
petpetual foreign hettayal of Kur?sh aspitations. These are still relevant even today when
consideting Kurdhh aspirations towards statehood.
Status of the
EEG
The Itaqi constitution declates that the Republic of Itaq has a fedetal system made up of a
decenu?alised capital, legions and governotates, and local administtations. The status of the
UK SECRET
Kurdistan Regional Government
The Kurds
Those individuals who collectively could he called the Kurdish People
People} are split actoss a series of countties. Ethnic
Kurdhh populations exist in vatying numbers in Turkey, Iran, Iraq {findeLphpEItaq} and Sytia.
The overall size of this group is estimated to number somewhere between 20-25 million. The largest
grouping resides in south-eastem Turkey, where the estimated Kurdhh population is around 15
million. In Iran, there are another four to six million Kurds and, in Itaq, three to four million.
However, it is only in Itaq where the ethnic Kutds curtently have any signi?cant degree of
autonomy The Kur?sh militaty fotces known as peshmetga played a key tole in the ovetthrow of
the former Iraqi govetnmenL
Kutdistan
The cun?ent as well as histotical sttength ofthe nationalist impulse amongst the Kutds, genetaliy,
and those in Iraq specifically, should not he undetestimated. The dteam of a wider Kur?sh nation
has been an aspitation of ethnic Kurds for genetations. A geogtaphical area called Kurdistan was
?rst noted in the 13th Centuty, but the Kutds have never really formed a coherent and unified state,
having lived independently as trihes. Dver their histoty, numerous foreign powets [up to and
including Saddam] have used the Kutds for their own devices. This has led two ideas to become
enu?enched in the Kurdhh - the continual disunity arising from ttihalism and a perception of
petpetual foreign hettayal of Kur?sh aspitations. These are still relevant even today when
consideting Kurdhh aspirations towards statehood.
Status of the
EEG
The Itaqi constitution declates that the Republic of Itaq has a fedetal system made up of a
decenu?alised capital, legions and governotates, and local administtations. The status of the
"Kurdistan Regional Government" as an autonomous region is already defined in the
document [and provides a possible model for Iraq ?s future]. The region has its own flag and national
anthem. Under the constitution, certain powers remain the exclusive preserve of the federal
government; foreign policy and negotiation, national defence policy,financial and customs
policies,standards, naturalization, the radio spectrum, and the mail. ?v?arious other powers and
?competences? are shared between the federal government and both the regional and provincial
authorities. These include: the management of oil and gas extracted from current fields; formulating
the "necessary strategic policies to develop the oil and gas wealth in a way that achieves the highest
benefit to the Iraqi people?; organising customs; and formulating policy on health, the environment,
and education. The two main KurdEh parties, the Kurdish Democratic Party and the
Patriotic Union of Kurdistan have united to form an alliance with several smaller parties, and
the Kurdish alliance has 53 deputies in the new Baghdad parliament, while the Kurdish Islamic
Union has 5. PUK-leaderialal Talabani has been elected President of the new Iraqi administration,
while KDP leader Massoud Barxani Massoud Barxani is President of the Kurdistan Regional
GovernmenL
Article 140
and the Disputed Areas
In January EDGE the UN Special Representative to Iraq, Steffan de Mismra, persuaded the Kurds to
agree to extend the deadline for the Article 140 referendum to June EDGE. As the new deadline
approaches and prospects for a referendum remain highly unlikely, de Mistura reportedly
announced in April in Arbil a three-stage plan for an alternative solution to the Kirkuk and disputed
areas issue. This involves setIling the status of less contested disputed areas by district level
consensus. The outcome will be used as a model for dealing with the more contentious Kirkuk
status, without having to stage a referendum.
Problems of
Regionalism
The constitutional privileging of regional legislation makes it more difficult for Baghdad to impose
its will on regions. In the absence of a nationally-agreed hydrocarbons law, local authorities have
the opportunity to strengthen de facto control. The KRG is already using its autonomous status to
further its interests, passing its own Evil and Gas Law on E- August 200? which will enable the KRG
to opt out of any future national oil contract and revenue-sharing agreements. In the absence of
robust national hydrocarbons legislation, a new oil-rich region in the south could gain substantial
control over its natural resources at the expense of the centre (and, therefore, provinces or regions
which lack these resources]. The constitution?s speci?cin with regards to "oil and gas extracted
from current ?elds? could also create problems overthe exploration and exploitation of fields which
have either not been discovered yet, or which do not yet produce oil or gas.
KurdEh leaders are keen supporters of federalism; whilst they will not be directly affected by the
law on region formation, they are mindful of the indirect effects. The KRG currently stands alone as
an autonomous region. By promoting regionalism in Arab areas of Iraq the Kurds hope to end the
exceptional status, thereby cementing and even strengthening its autonomy. This, in turn,
could be useful in gaining greater control over northern Iraq?s oil wealth.
However, the regionalisation of predominantly Sunni provinces in central and western Iraq will
depend on developing political and tribal dynamics, economic pressures, and the outcome of Article
140 and other territorial disputes. It is unclear at present how Article 140 and the region formation
law will affect these disputed northern areas. Provincial boundaries may be redrawn, either formally
or de facto, to take different regional solutions into account. If areas of Ninawah and Tamim
"Kurdistan Regional Government" as an autonomous region is already defined in the
document [and provides a possible model for Iraq ?s future]. The region has its own flag and national
anthem. Under the constitution, certain powers remain the exclusive preserve of the federal
government; foreign policy and negotiation, national defence policy,financial and customs
policies,standards, naturalization, the radio spectrum, and the mail. ?v?arious other powers and
?competences? are shared between the federal government and both the regional and provincial
authorities. These include: the management of oil and gas extracted from current fields; formulating
the "necessary strategic policies to develop the oil and gas wealth in a way that achieves the highest
benefit to the Iraqi people?; organising customs; and formulating policy on health, the environment,
and education. The two main KurdEh parties, the Kurdish Democratic Party and the
Patriotic Union of Kurdistan have united to form an alliance with several smaller parties, and
the Kurdish alliance has 53 deputies in the new Baghdad parliament, while the Kurdish Islamic
Union has 5. PUK-leaderialal Talabani has been elected President of the new Iraqi administration,
while KDP leader Massoud Barxani Massoud Barxani is President of the Kurdistan Regional
GovernmenL
Article 140
and the Disputed Areas
In January EDGE the UN Special Representative to Iraq, Steffan de Mismra, persuaded the Kurds to
agree to extend the deadline for the Article 140 referendum to June EDGE. As the new deadline
approaches and prospects for a referendum remain highly unlikely, de Mistura reportedly
announced in April in Arbil a three-stage plan for an alternative solution to the Kirkuk and disputed
areas issue. This involves setIling the status of less contested disputed areas by district level
consensus. The outcome will be used as a model for dealing with the more contentious Kirkuk
status, without having to stage a referendum.
Problems of
Regionalism
The constitutional privileging of regional legislation makes it more difficult for Baghdad to impose
its will on regions. In the absence of a nationally-agreed hydrocarbons law, local authorities have
the opportunity to strengthen de facto control. The KRG is already using its autonomous status to
further its interests, passing its own Evil and Gas Law on E- August 200? which will enable the KRG
to opt out of any future national oil contract and revenue-sharing agreements. In the absence of
robust national hydrocarbons legislation, a new oil-rich region in the south could gain substantial
control over its natural resources at the expense of the centre (and, therefore, provinces or regions
which lack these resources]. The constitution?s speci?cin with regards to "oil and gas extracted
from current ?elds? could also create problems overthe exploration and exploitation of fields which
have either not been discovered yet, or which do not yet produce oil or gas.
KurdEh leaders are keen supporters of federalism; whilst they will not be directly affected by the
law on region formation, they are mindful of the indirect effects. The KRG currently stands alone as
an autonomous region. By promoting regionalism in Arab areas of Iraq the Kurds hope to end the
exceptional status, thereby cementing and even strengthening its autonomy. This, in turn,
could be useful in gaining greater control over northern Iraq?s oil wealth.
However, the regionalisation of predominantly Sunni provinces in central and western Iraq will
depend on developing political and tribal dynamics, economic pressures, and the outcome of Article
140 and other territorial disputes. It is unclear at present how Article 140 and the region formation
law will affect these disputed northern areas. Provincial boundaries may be redrawn, either formally
or de facto, to take different regional solutions into account. If areas of Ninawah and Tamim
[including KirkuI-c] ate incorporated into the EEG we assume that provincial boundaties
would have to be changed or some other solution devised to prevent populations legionalised within
the EEG front obstructing the legionalisation of the tentainder of these provinces. Provincial
elections could plajrr an intpottant role, especiallyr if aligned Sunni tribal movements perform well in
neighbouring provinces.
[including KirkuI-c] ate incorporated into the EEG we assume that provincial boundaties
would have to be changed or some other solution devised to prevent populations legionalised within
the EEG front obstructing the legionalisation of the tentainder of these provinces. Provincial
elections could plajrr an intpottant role, especiallyr if aligned Sunni tribal movements perform well in
neighbouring provinces.